Current Column | Discussion ————————————————————————————— Forum is an occasional series in which law professors offer op-eds and commentaries on topical issues. Readers are invited to respond using this form, or by e-mailing JURIST@law.pitt.edu. Law professors are invited to submit op-eds to JURIST@law.pitt.edu. ————————————————————————————— THE AMORAL COURT
Stephen E. Gottlieb In modern America, political conservatism is usually a shorthand reference to the "Moral Majority." The present United States Supreme Court is dominated by a group of conservative justices appointed by presidents Nixon, Reagan and Bush for the precise purpose of imposing a moral agenda on American law. One would expect this conservative Supreme Court to show great moral rectitude. Nothing of the sort. This Court’s conservative majority evinces a huge discrepancy between the morality of its claims and the reality of its judicial behavior. Example: hypocrisy on due process. The conservative majority decided that courts don’t need to look into evidence proving a man’s innocence if discovered after trial - and after he was placed on death row. When Angel Herrera’s lawyers found strong evidence that he was innocent of murders for which he was to be executed, three justices argued in vain that lower courts should be able to look into the case if he was "probably innocent." The conservatives insisted on Herrera’s execution. The execution of innocent men is impossible to justify. And it makes the conservatives’ support of the "pro-life" anti-abortion cause hypocritical. Example: hypocrisy on equal protection. Insisting that the Constitution is colorblind, the Court’s conservative majority has made racial discrimination impossible to prove. The Civil Rights Act of 1991 overruled nine Rehnquist Court discrimination cases. Congress insisted that discrimination should be defined by obvious results instead of subjective intent, which consistently allowed the conservatives to deny that discrimination had occurred. In Voting Rights Act cases, the conservatives all but declared the results test unconstitutional. In addition, they recently refused to let a judge examine discrimination charges against federal prosecutors. When a prosecutor dismissed all bilingual Hispanics from a jury because they wouldn’t need an interpreter for Spanish-speaking witnesses, the conservatives concluded he had not meant to discriminate. In a gay rights case, President Bush’s favorite justices – Scalia and Thomas – wrote that protecting people from discrimination is favoritism. So much for equal protection under the law. Example: hypocrisy on democratic principles. Justices Rehnquist and O’Connor voted to restrict the ballot to property owners in water and school elections, thereby shutting out renters from voting to protect their children’s schools or their water tables. Justices Scalia and Thomas denied the existence of a principled way to support voting rights. The conservatives have turned their backs on the one-person-one vote standard and concluded that three to one is perfectly satisfactory. In a recent book, Scalia made his own elitism plain, writing that tyranny of the majority is more worrisome than tyranny of the elite. Without moral bearings, the Court cannot give an appropriate reading to the majestic open-ended clauses of our Constitution. The due process clause does not condone the execution of innocent people. The equal protection clause does not specify an intent test; it requires that people be treated fairly. The republican government and voting clauses do not restrict the vote to landowners. The great designs of the founding fathers and the members of the Reconstruction Congress are belittled by a Court that reads their language without moral bearings. We need a Court of great moral rectitude. Stephen E. Gottlieb is a professor of law at Albany Law School and the author of Morality Imposed: The Rehnquist Court and Liberty in America (New York University Press, 2000). He welcomes comments at JURIST@law.pitt.edu
April 5, 2001 ———————————————————————
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