How soon after the State of Florida certifies the result of the election
does it need to transmit the official Certificate of Ascertainment to
Washington, and does that leave time for an election contest? [added November 22]
The Certificate of Ascertainment is a creature of federal law (3 U.S.C. § 6):
"It shall be the duty of the executive of each State, as soon as practicable
after the conclusion of the appointment of the electors in such State by the
final ascertainment, under and in pursuance of the laws of such State
providing for such ascertainment, to communicate by registered mail under
the seal of the State to the Archivist of the United States a certificate of
such ascertainment of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of
such electors and the canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such
State of the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose
appointment any and all votes have been given or cast[.]"
Thus, the only governing time frame is that the Governor (or person acting
in his stead) transmit the Certificate "as soon as practicable" after the
state's "final ascertainment." The State probably will regard that "final
ascertainment" to be the Elections Canvassing Commission's certification.
What does that mean for a post-certification statutory election contest?
Apparently there is precedent for a state to submit an amended or modified
Certificate of Ascertainment. The November 22, 2000, Washington Post
reports that in Hawaii in 1961 the governor first certified the electors for
Nixon and then subsequently sent in a new certification for the JFK electors
(which Nixon agreed should be honored). So it seems that a Certificate of
Ascertainment is not necessarily chiseled in granite.
What happens if, after all of the lawsuits and certifications are over, there is a tie in the popular vote between Bush and Gore? [added November 19]
Florida law (100.181) states that ties are broken by the drawing of lots.
More questions...
What is an "election contest"? [added November 26]
An election "contest" is a procedure long-established in Florida law under which an unsuccessful candidate for office can challenge the validity of the election results and demonstrate that he/she has a legal right to the office. An election contest must be filed with the circuit court (here, likely to be the circuit court in Leon County) within 5 days after a certification by the last county canvassing board of election results that follows the protest of election returns.
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Who may contest the election?
Florida law provides that any taxpayer or voter may file suit.
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What grounds may be asserted in an election contest? [updated November 26]
Florida law recognizes, among other grounds, "misconduct, fraud or corruption on the part of any election official or any member of the canvassing board sufficient to change or place in doubt the result of the election"; "receipt of a number of illegal votes or rejection of a number of legal votes sufficient to change or place in doubt the result of the election"; as well as a broad catch-all provision: "[a]ny other cause or allegation which, if sustained, would show that a person other than the successful candidate was the person duly nominated or elected to the office in question [.]"
Florida case law shows that the state's courts are willing to entertain challenges to elections where there is a credible argument that the results in fact do not reflect the will of the voters. A challenge can be maintained even where no intentional wrongdoing is alleged. The Florida Supreme Court held, in the context of a disputed 1998 sheriff's race in Volusia County, that a court has authority to invalidate election results in the face of unintentional wrongdoing or noncompliance with procedures by election officials "only if [the court] finds that the substantial noncompliance resulted in doubt as to whether a certified election reflected the will of the voters." (Beckstrom v. Volusia County Canvassing Board)
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What grounds do the Gore Campaign plan to assert? [added November 26]
On Sunday November 26, David Boies, chief litigator in the Gore camp, previewed their anticipated election contests. With respect to Miami-Dade, the Gore challenge would focus on the non-inclusion of the partial results (388 votes) from the manual recount before it was suspended (assuming those votes are not in fact included) and the failure to complete the manual recount and consideration of approximately 10,000 uncounted/undervoted ballots. In Nassau County, the challenge would center on the canvassing board's certification of results based on the election night results and the rejection of an earlier certification based upon the mandatory automatic recount. In Palm Beach County, the contest is expected to include the uncounted/undervoted ballots not reached before the deadline and also whether the proper standard was used by the canvassing board in judging so-called dimpled or pregnant chad ballots. The Palm Beach challenge is not expected to reach the layout of the so-called butterfly ballot.
Governor Bush, if he were so situated and inclined, also could assert as grounds for a contest some of the manual recount standards that his campaign has protested over the past weeks.
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Are election contests unusual in Florida? [added November 26]
There have been many contests in county-level and local elections in Florida (as well as in other states). There does not appear to have been a Florida contest arising out of a statewide or national election.
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What happens procedurally in a contest and how long is it likely to take? [added November 26]
An election contest basically proceeds as a lawsuit. Under the governing statute (102.168), the canvassing board or election board is the defendant, and the successful candidate also should be made part of the proceeding. The statute gives the defendants 10 days to answer the allegations.
The law also provides that the person bringing a contest "is entitled to an immediate hearing." Witnesses and documentary evidence typically is presented. The court also may, in its discretion, "limit the time to be consumed in taking testimony, with a view therein to the circumstances of the matter[.]" Thus, we should expect to see an election contest proceed on a fast track, similar to the other cases arising out of the Florida election. In its November 21 opinion, the Florida Supreme Court was particularly concerned about the need to initiate and resolve election contests before December 12 to avoid jeopardizing Florida's participation in the Electoral College.
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To what remedy is a successful contestant entitled? [added November 26]
The determination of the appropriate remedy is committed to the discretion of the court. The Florida election contest statute authorizes the judge to "fashion such orders as he or she deems necessary . . . to prevent or correct any alleged wrong, and to provide any relief appropriate under such circumstances." Relief could include rejection of questioned ballots or a direction to recount disputed ballots applying a particular standard.
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What about the claim that the ballot in Palm Beach County was confusing? [updated November 22]
Several residents of Palm Beach County filed a lawsuit on November 8, seeking a new election and alleging that the so-called "butterfly ballots" used in the county were "deceptive, misleading and confusing." The alleged confusion arose from the placement of punch-out holes in some cases to the right and other cases to the left of the candidates' names. Some voters allege that the confusion caused them to "overvote" their ballot or vote for two candidates for president.
The Florida statutes specify that, in the case of paper ballots, voters mark an X in the blank space to the right of the name of the candidate they want to vote for. For machine ballots, the law provides that "[t]he order in which the voting machine ballot is arranged shall as nearly as practicable conform to the requirements of the form of the paper ballot for that election." Another provision states that in the case of electromechanical voting systems, the "voting square" may appear to the left or right of the candidate's name.
Florida statutes also specify that, for paper ballots, "the names of the candidates of the party which received the highest number of votes for Governor in the last election in which a Governor was elected shall be placed first under the heading for each office, together with an appropriate abbreviation of party name; the names of the candidates of the party which received the second highest vote for Governor shall be second under the heading for each office, together with an appropriate abbreviation of the party name." When one views the Palm Beach ballot as a whole, the Republican ticket appears first on the left side, then the Reform ticket is the next one down on the right side, and then the Democratic ticket back on the left side. On November 10, Florida state officials stated that the Palm Beach ballot did not violate any provisions of Florida law.
Although there are not many reported decisions on point, a 1974 Florida state appellate decision rejected a call for a new election by a losing candidate on the ground that a ballot layout was confusing. In particular, courts appear to be reluctant to entertain post-election challenges on a ground (such as ballot layout) that could have been asserted before the election.
On November 20, 2000, all of the lawsuits challenging the layout of the butterfly ballot were dismissed because the court concluded that it had no legal authority to order a revote (the only relief sought in these lawsuits). An appeal has been filed.
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If a challenge to the Palm Beach ballot is upheld, what will be the remedy? [updated November 22]
The determination of the appropriate remedy is committed to the discretion of the court. The Florida election contest statute authorizes the judge to "fashion such orders as he or she deems necessary . . . to prevent or correct any alleged wrong, and to provide any relief appropriate under such circumstances."
The only remedy that was sought by the plaintiffs in these cases was a revote or a new election. Circuit Court Judge Labarga ruled on November 20 that a court lacked authority to order a revote in connection with a presidential election. He relied principally on the provision of Article II that "[t]he Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors" and noted that federal law contemplated a procedure for appointing electors other than a second election in the event that they were not elected on the date prescribed by law.
Others had postulated different potential remedies, such as an allocation of the overvoted (mainly Gore plus Buchanan votes, it is claimed) ballot in the same proportion as those candidates received on properly voted ballots. Still another approach might have been for the court to set forth standards by which disputed or questionable ballots should be counted or disallowed. An analogous approach was followed in the case of the disputed 1997 Miami mayoral election where extensive absentee ballot fraud was demonstrated. That court did not order a revote but instead set aside the questioned ballots and declared the formerly losing candidate to be the victor.
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If there were to be a revote, would it be limited to voters who voted on November 7? [updated November 16]
Not necessarily. A 1994 decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit considered the eligibility to vote in a new, curative election held as a result of the protest of an election held for the Warwick, Rhode Island, School Committee. Persons who did not vote in the first election sued to be allowed to vote in the second one. The court agreed, stating:
"In its simplest form, this case asks us to decide whether a state may condition the right to vote in one election on whether that right was exercised in a preceding election. So stated, the case is hardly worthy of discussion. The right to vote is of the most fundamental significance under our constitutional structure, and depriving a qualified voter of the right to cast a ballot because of failure to vote in an earlier election is almost inconceivable." [Ayers-Schaffner v. DiStefano, 37 F.3d 726, 727 (1st Cir. 1994)].
The court rejected the Board of Elections' argument that the second election was not a new election but simply a recreation of the defective one. While not binding on the courts of Florida, this decision strongly supports the argument that a new election should be open to all eligible voters.
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Is it true that Palm Beach County voters were only allowed five minutes to mark their ballots?
Florida law (101.51) provides: "No elector, while casting his or her ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment longer than 5 minutes or be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied or to speak with anyone, except [for a voter seeking assistance], while in the polling place." Palm Beach voter Kenneth Horowitz, owner of the Miami Fusion soccer team, has brought a lawsuit challenging this provision, alleging that election workers were warning voters that anyone taking longer than five minutes would have their ballot tossed out.
This type of time limit is not unusual in state election laws. It is intended as a "housekeeping" requirement to avoid disruption and undue delays in polling places on election day. A similar provision under California law was challenged as a form of discrimination against persons lacking proficiency in English. A federal appeals court found "no evidence that any county has ever enforced the California law so as to require voters to leave the voting booth simply because they have exceeded the statutory time limit." Alcaraz v. Eu, 861 F.2d 1101 (9th Cir. 1988). If it were strictly enforced, that court suggested that it would find a violation of the language discrimination provisions of the Voting Rights Act.
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When does federal law come into play in resolving election disputes, and
what remedies does federal law provide? [updated November 21]
The conduct of Presidential elections is principally the responsibility of
the states. It is Florida law, rather than federal law, that dictates the
requirements of the ballot, the procedures for counting and challenging
votes, and for certifying election results.
Generally speaking, federal law comes in where there are allegations of
civil rights violations (such as efforts to intimidate voters or deprive
persons of the right to vote on the basis of race), or criminal election
fraud (such as ballot-box stuffing, destruction of ballots, or voter
intimidation). Without suggesting that any of these statutes apply to the
Florida election, the following are among the principal federal criminal
laws that apply to voting matters. All are punishable by felony or
misdemeanor criminal prosecution.
U.S. Code Title 18, Section 241, makes it unlawful for two or more persons to conspire
to injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any citizen in the exercise of a
right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United
States (including the right to vote in an election for President). Section
242 makes it unlawful for anyone acting under color of law, statute,
ordinance, regulation, or custom to willfully deprive a person of any right,
privilege, or immunity secured or protected by the
Constitution or laws of the United States.
Title 42, Section 1973i(c), part of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, makes in
unlawful in a federal election (1) to knowingly and willfully give false
information as to name, address, or period of residence to an election
official for the purpose of establishing one's eligibility to vote; (2) to
pay, offer to pay, or accept payment for registering to vote or for voting;
or (3) to conspire with another person to vote illegally.
Section 1973i(e) makes it unlawful to "vote more than once" in a federal
election.
Title 18, section 597 prohibits making or offering to make an expenditure to
any person to vote or withhold his or her vote for any candidate.
Title 18, section 608 makes it a federal crime to deprive, or attempt to
deprive, any person of a right guaranteed by the Uniformed and Overseas
Citizen Absentee Voting Act.
Title 18, section 594, prohibits the intimidation or coercion of voters for
the purpose of interfering with the right to vote for a candidate for
federal office. (This statute does not require violent intimidation.)
Title 18, section 245(b)(1)(A), prohibits interference by violence or threat
of violence with the exericse of one's right to vote, to run for office, or
to be a poll watcher or other election official.
With respect to the various criminal statutes, the stated policy of the
Department of Justice is to refrain from intervening in an ongoing elective
contest in such a way that the investigation is allowed to become a campaign
issue, but rather to investigate and prosecute, after the election is over,
those who broke the law.
On the civil side, the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973i(b), also
contains a prohibition against voter intimidation enforceable through civil
penalties.
The Voting Rights Act is not limited to discrimination that literally
excludes minority voters from the polls. Section 2 of the Act (42 U.S.C.
1973) makes it illegal for any state or local government to use election
processes that are not equally open to minority voters, or that give
minority voters less opportunity than other voters to participate in the
political process and elect representatives of their choice to public
office. Under Section 2, the Department of Justice can seek injunctive or
other equitable relief to stop or correct an unlawful practice.
The NAACP has requested that the U.S. Department of Justice intervene in the
recount process, citing reported instances of disproportionate
disqualifications of black voters and the failure to pick up at least one
ballot box from a heavily black precinct. The NAACP also requested that the
Federal government oversee a vote recount. No public response has been made
by the Justice Deparment.
More questions...
What is the basis of the Bush campaign's lawsuit in federal court? [updated November 16]
The Bush campaign protested the Gore campaign's request for a further manual recount (following the automatic recount) in four Florida counties. Their lawsuit alleges that the manual recount will yield a less accurate and subjective count and, in so doing, will dilute the votes of the rest of the state. The Complaint also claims that the standards used in assessing the validity or intent of the ballots are arbitrary and standardless and can produce inconsistent treatment of an identical ballot in different counties. The claims are made under the First and Fourteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States. On Monday, November 13, a federal district judge denied the request for an injunction and expedited appeals are now before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.
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What is the basis of the new lawsuit that asserts that Texas' electors can't vote for Bush and Cheney even though they won the vote in Texas? [added November 19]
The lawsuit alleges that Mr. Cheney's August trip to Wyoming to register to vote in that state was insufficient to make him an "inhabitant" of Wyoming and no longer an inhabitant of Texas. The Twelfth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution provides a state's electors may not vote for a President and Vice President if both are inhabitants of the same state with themselves.
"Inhabitant" is not necessarily synonymous with "resident." "Inhabitant" also is used in specifying the qualifications to be elected a United States Senator, enabling New York now to have a Senator-elect Clinton. There are some older congressional precedents challenging the seating of an elected representative on "inhabitant" grounds. These precedents basically require a residence in the state plus a clear commitment to avail oneself of the rights and responsibilities of living in that state.
It remains to be seen whether this challenge to Mr. Cheney's status as a Wyoming inhabitant will be entertained by a court or, rather, be deferred to congressional resolution as a possible objection to an electoral college vote from Texas.
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What is the complaint about absentee ballots from Seminole County? [added November 19]
A lawsuit has been filed to disqualify approximately 4,700 ballots from Seminole County. The complaint alleges that the Seminole County elections supervisor's office allowed Republican activists to fill in missing voter registration numbers on requests submitted by voters requesting absentee ballots. Section 101.62 of the Florida statutes provides that a request for an absentee ballot may be made by a voter or a member of the voter's immediate family and that the person making the request must disclose certain information, including the registration number on the elector's registration identification card.
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Given the litigation logjam, can the Florida Legislature act to appoint electors? [updated November 23]
As an initial matter, the Florida legislature would need to be called into a special session to act. This can be done at the request of the Governor or by a 3/5 majority in both houses. (The Republican margin in both houses exceeds that level).
The role of the state legislature in the selection of electors begins with Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution: "Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors[.]" A federal statute makes two specific provisions for the involvement of a state legislature.
Title 3, Section 2 of the United States Code states: "Whenever any state has held an election for the purpose of choosing electors, and has failed to make a choice on the day prescribed by law, the electors may be appointed on a subsequent day in such a manner as the legislature of such State may direct." Many are starting to focus on this avenue, although there are a few important and unresolved questions about the operation of this statute.
Section 5 of Title 3 states: "If any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determination of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or procedures, and such determination shall have been made at least six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pursuant to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prior to said time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive[.]"
Some issues:
First, electors are supposed to be picked and in place by December 12. At what point in the ongoing sequence of recounts and contests should we conclude that the voters have failed to make a choice Election Day (versus having made a choice but awaiting a lengthy process to reveal that choice)?
Second, some observers interpret the juxtaposition of Section 2 and Section 5 to mean that, while the legislature may appoint electors when the voters have failed to choose, it may not adopt new procedures after the date of the election to govern the resolution of contests and controversies arising out of the election.
Third, does the usually applicable requirement for the governor to sign a bill to give it legal force apply here?
Fourth, what type of resolution should a legislature offer in a case like this? Options might include determining that all electors should be pledged to one candidate or the other, splitting the state's electoral college delegation between the two leading candidates, appointing a truly unpledged delegation charged only to pursue national unity, or many other possibilities.
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In ordinary circumstances, does the Governor of Florida have a role in certifying or appointing the state's electors? [added November 19]
Yes. First, the Governor is one of three members of the Elections Canvassing Commission (with the Secretary of State and the Director of the Division of Elections). The Commission is responsible for certifying final election results. Governor Jeb Bush has recused himself from participation on the Commission in connection with the presidential election.
In addition, after the general election, the Governor of each State prepares a "Certificate of Ascertainment" of the electors appointed. The Certificate must be signed by the Governor and carry the seal of the State, and should be submitted to the National Archives before December 18.. The format of the Certificate is not dictated by Federal law, but conforms to the law or custom of the submitting State.
More questions...
Are Florida's electors, whoever they end up being, obligated to cast their votes for the candidate that won the popular vote in Florida?