...the coalition governments have identified a list of key regime leaders who must be pursued and brought to justice. The key list has 55 individuals who may be pursued, killed or captured, and the list does not exclude leaders who may have already been killed or captured. This list has been provided to coalition forces on the ground in several forms to ease identification when contact does occur. And this deck of cards is one example of what we provide to soldiers out -- soldiers and marines out in the field -- with the faces of the individuals and what their role is. In this case, there are 55 cards in the deck.

The list is also being distributed throughout the country in other forms, including posters and handbills, and those will become more and more visible over the coming days. And the intent here is to help the coalition gain information from the Iraqi people, so that they also know exactly who it is we seek.

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By April 2003, 76 countries and territories had abolished the death penalty for all crimes. A further 15 countries had abolished it for all but exceptional crimes such as wartime crimes. Twenty-one countries were abolitionist in practice: ie had not carried out any executions for the past 10 years and are believed to have a policy or established practice of not carrying out executions. At present there are 112 countries which are abolitionist in law or practice and 83 countries which retain and use the death penalty.

In 2002 at least 1,526 people were executed in 31 countries. At least 3,248 people were sentenced to death in 67 countries. These figures include only cases known to Amnesty International; the true figures were certainly higher. The vast majority of executions worldwide are carried out in a tiny handful of countries. In 2002, 81 percent of all known executions took place in China, Iran and the USA.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is profoundly alarmed by the chaos currently prevailing in Baghdad and other parts of Iraq. Lawless persons, sometimes armed, have been ransacking and looting even essential public facilities such as hospitals and water-supply installations.

Hospitals in Baghdad are closed because of combat damage, looting or fear of looting. Hardly any medical or support staff are still reporting for work. Patients have either fled the hospitals or have been left without care. The medical system in Baghdad has virtually collapsed. The dead are left unattended, and the increasing summer heat and deteriorating water and electricity supplies create a high risk of epidemic disease.

The ICRC urgently appeals to the Coalition forces and all other persons in authority to do everything possible to protect essential infrastructure such as hospitals and water-supply and evacuation systems from looting and destruction. In areas under their control, the Coalition forces have specific responsibilities as Occupying Powers under international humanitarian law. These include taking all measures in their power to restore and maintain, as far as possible, public order and safety by putting a halt to pillage and to violence against civilians and civilian facilities.

Civilian facilities which have been damaged or destroyed must be repaired as soon as possible, in order to ensure that the basic needs of the population can be met. Water and electricity supplies are vital. Medical units and personnel must be protected and their work facilitated, and access to them by all persons in need, whether military or civilian, friend or foe, must be granted. In all circumstances, the Red Cross and Red Crescent emblem must be respected.

To the fullest extent of the means available to them, the occupying forces have a duty to ensure that the population has sufficient supplies in terms of water, food and medical care. As the temporary administrators of the occupied territory, the Occupying Powers must support public services and manage resources primarily in the interests of the population, without discrimination. If the whole or part of the population under occupation is not adequately supplied, the Occupying Powers must allow impartial humanitarian organizations to undertake assistance operations. However, the provision of humanitarian aid in no way relieves the Occupying Powers of their administrator's responsibilities towards the population under occupation.

The ICRC in Baghdad is extremely concerned about the anarchy and general chaos prevalent in the city. Lawlessness continues to be rampant, with ambulances being stopped and looted by armed individuals. The ICRC fears that the hospitals in Baghdad are no longer functioning and have been largely deserted by staff and patients. Most Baghdadis are too terrified to leave their homes. The ICRC will carry out assessments at different hospitals in the city if and when the security situation permits.

British troops are in occupation of southern Iraq; accordingly they have obligations towards Iraqi civilians under the fourth Geneva convention. They are also obliged to treat members of the Iraqi armed forces in accordance with the third Geneva convention. Both provide that persons in the power of occupying forces must be treated humanely. Hooding detainees may well violate these obligations.

In addition to violating international humanitarian law - the law governing the conduct of armed conflicts and military occupations - it may be that in allowing the hooding of suspects, the UK is in violation of its human rights' obligations. The UK is a party to both the international covenant on civil and political rights, and the European convention on human rights. Both prohibit inhuman and degrading treatment. But even under customary international law, humiliating and degrading treatment is prohibited in all circumstances.

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The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.

To the fullest extent of the means available to it, the Occupying Power has the duty of ensuring the food and medical supplies of the population; it should, in particular, bring in the necessary foodstuffs, medical stores and other articles if the resources of the occupied territory are inadequate.

Article 55 extends very considerably the responsibility of an Occupying Power in regard to the help to be given to the occupied territory. Article 43 of the Hague Regulations merely spoke of ensuring, as far as possible, public order and safety, while under the present Article the Occupying Power is placed under an obligation to ensure, to the fullest extent of the means available to it, the food and medical supplies of the population. During recent conflicts thousands of human beings suffered from starvation during the occupation of the country. Their destitution was made still worse by requisitioning. The absence of food and medical supplies and unhygienic conditions encouraged the spreading of epidemics. The spirit behind Article 55 represents a happy return [p.310] to the traditional idea of the law of war, according to which belligerents sought to destroy the power of the enemy State, and not individuals. The rule that the Occupying Power is responsible for the provision of supplies for the population places that Power under a definite obligation to maintain at a reasonable level the material conditions under which the population of the occupied territory lives. The inclusion of the phrase "to the fullest extent of the means available to it" shows, however, that the authors of the Convention did not wish to disregard the material difficulties with which the Occupying Power might be faced in wartime (financial and transport problems, etc.); but the Occupying Power is nevertheless under an obligation to utilize all the means at its disposal.

The AFP news agency quoted an official at Charles de Gaulle airport saying that Mohammed al-Douri had booked places on flights from New York to Paris, and from Paris to Damascus, but had failed to take them up. His meeting with Mr Annan was due to start at 1115 (1515 GMT).

Human Rights Watch estimates that some 250,000 to 290,000 Iraqis have “disappeared” during the rule of the Ba’ath Party—taken away from their homes by the Iraqi security forces, and never heard from again. The archives of the Iraqi security services could finally allow the families of those “disappeared” to find out what has happened to their long- lost relatives.... Finally, Human Rights Watch is concerned that leaving Iraqi security archives unsecured could lead to an increase in retaliatory violence and vengeance killings. The security archives identify tens of thousands of security agents and collaborators by name. Many Iraqi civilians were forced to collaborate with the security agencies, and may have informed on relatives, neighbors, and friends who were later jailed or killed. The publication of their identities at a time when general security and order are not assured could place those collaborators and others in grave danger.

I think the [Security] Council has also reaffirmed that the Hague Regulation and the Geneva Conventions apply to this conflict and that the coalition has a responsibility for the welfare of the people in this area. And I am sure that will be respected.

I don't know what his status is, but I did talk to him on Monday. We reviewed the situation in Baghdad and what was happening. He didn't have much information. I don't know where he is or what his status is at the moment, but naturally we did talk about what happens, depending on the evolution of things on the ground....[H]e didn't ask for an asylum or protection. He had indicated some time earlier that he and his staff sometimes felt harassed and followed by local authorities and police – this was some time ago and I think we had raised it with the authorities and that has stopped. When I saw him on Monday he didn't ask me for help with his status.

...their mandate is still valid. It is only suspended because it became inoperable on account of the war. I would expect [Hans] Blix and [Mohammed] ElBaradei to be able to return as soon as it is possible and I think they are the ones with the mandate to disarm Iraq, and when the situation permits they should go back to resume their work.

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[He] left New York, landed in Paris on Thursday morning as a transit, and left for the Netherland, a french police source told KUNA. "He came as a transit and did not touch the french territorty and departed to the Netherland," the source said.... "This was in the morning. He is not in France," the source said. Later, the Foreign Ministry confirmed that Al-Douri came as a transit.

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When told about Aldouri's comments, British Ambassador Sir Jeremy Greenstock said, "I pay tribute to him acknowledging it. He is a decent man.... I hope he finds a decent life, representing a decent government. He must wonder what his situation is now and I sympathize with him," Greenstock said.

The current Iraqi government holds the U.N. seat until another government hands in its credentials, something not expected to happen for many months. But it is unknown whether the handful of Iraqi diplomats in New York would stay on.

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After a mere eighteen months since the enactment of the legislation, it is simply too soon to measure the impact of these provisions and move to make them permanent. For this reason, it is disconcerting to read today’s media reports indicating that the Bush Administration and certain members of the Senate may act as quickly as this week to try to make these powers permanent.

This action is made more troubling by the very fact that since enactment of the USA PATRIOT Act, the Bush Administration consistently has been reticent to share with Congress – through the Committees of Congress charged with oversight of the USA PATRIOT Act – information about how the new powers authorized by Congress are being utilized. The Justice Department, for example, has grudgingly provided only cursory information to Congress and the public about the number of investigations involving electronic surveillance initiated under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, how many so-called “sneak and peek” warrants have been issued and executed and how often federal law enforcement officials have requested information about constituent records from public libraries. Given the Administration’s demonstrable obstinacy in sharing this information with an equal branch of government, there simply is no way that members of Congress can make a comprehensive analysis of the use of the new sweeping powers, and whether these powers ought to be made permanent.

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The breakdown of law and order in Baghdad and in Basra has been accompanied by widespread looting. The collapse of civilian authority in the two largest cities in the country must be addressed by the occupying military forces, which have responsibility under international humanitarian law to maintain a secure environment for the civilian population. The longer the situation remains out of control, the more difficult it will be to start humanitarian relief operations and the greater the delay in beginning the work of reconstruction. The operating environment for humanitarian assistance requires secure access to populations in need. That environment does not yet exist, except in Umm Qasr and from Turkey, in the north.

Under international humanitarian law, military commanders must prevent and where necessary suppress serious violations involving the local population under their control or subject to their authority. Furthermore, occupying forces have an immediate duty to take all feasible steps to prevent acts of violent reprisal. The responsibility for protecting civilians extends to the conduct of any local Iraqi armed groups acting under authority of or in conjunction with U.S. forces. That duty exists for the benefit of individuals allied with the Iraqi government who have laid down their arms as well as opponents of the government.

The right to freedom of information is dealt a fatal blow whenever a journalist is killed or wounded in the performance of his or her vital role.... The most precious right of all is the right to life. Once life is taken away, the damage is irreparable.... There are inescapable obligations on the parties to the conflict. Human rights and international humanitarian law cannot be put on hold.

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Initially the Framers of the Constitution were not going to include any minimum age requirements. James Wilson argued against them. James Madison says offhandedly in Federalist 62 that advanced age requirements would afford representatives with greater "information and stability of character." But he offers no further argument to back his 18th-century prejudice. Surely today we recognize that such structural constraints violate a fundamental principle of representative democracy: Let the voters decide such matters for themselves!

The benefits of opening up the representative system to all eligible voters would far outweigh any possible costs. Many of our voting-age youth have evidently withdrawn their energies from the electoral system. The 18-24 year old voting rates have declined steadily from 1972 to 2000. 50 percent of the 18-24 yr. old voters cast a ballet in 1972; only 35 percent of the same group voted in 2000. Opening up the competition for congressional offices could invigorate the system at all levels. Imagine if younger candidates could by-pass the entrenched party hierarchies that reward life-long insiders and gray-haired hacks.

Moreover, many of our most pressing political, economic, and cultural conflicts in the coming years are inter-generational. Militarism, environmentalism, global warming, budget deficits, health care, stock market investment, the future viability of Social Security are all hot-button issues that look quite different as assessed from short-term versus long-term perspectives. But the system is clearly rigged in favor of old folks. The demographics of the United States are now also skewed heavily toward an aging population. The AARP has become a powerful lobby. Young voters, however, cannot even run for federal office or elect one of their own. They should be allowed the minimal right to compete for office or the chance to elect someone who speaks directly on their behalf.

...we have begun to catalogue the numerous abuses, both past and present that have been committed by the Iraqi regime. Our troops have been given the additional mission of securing and preserving evidence of war crimes and atrocities that they uncover.

As President Bush has stated, war criminals will be prosecuted. The day of Iraq's liberation will also be a day of justice. For any war crimes committed against U.S. personnel, our policy is that we will investigate and we will prosecute. We will also seek to prosecute, where feasible, those who committed or ordered war crimes against U.S. personnel during the Gulf War.

For any war crimes committed against Iraqi people during the course of this conflict, we'll explore the range of options available, work to ensure that justice is achieved for the Iraqi people. For past abuses, past atrocities, it is our view that there should be accountability. We will work with Iraqi people to create an Iraqi-led process that will bring justice for the years of abuses that have occurred.

A tribunal composed of Iraqi jurists selected by the United States would not have the capacity to adjudicate the staggering scope of crimes by the Iraqi government, including genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

Iraq's Revolutionary Courts, State Security Courts, and Special Provisional Courts have been instruments of repression rather than impartial judicial institutions.... The Iraqi state has also interfered with other civil and criminal courts. Meanwhile, scholars, lawyers, and jurists in the Iraqi exile community should not be expected to shoulder the burden of handling a high volume of politically charged prosecutions....

"After decades of Ba'ath Party rule, the Iraqi judiciary has been deeply compromised," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch. "The Iraqis should certainly be involved in this process, but the country's justice system just doesn't have the capacity to handle a series of highly complicated trials."

"There is no doubt at all that these attacks could be targeting journalists. If so, they are grave and serious violations of international law," said Aidan White, General Secretary of the IFJ. "The bombing of hotels where journalists are staying and targeting of Arab media are particularly shocking events in a war which is being fought in the name of democracy. Those who are responsible must be brought to justice". At the same time the IFJ condemns what appears to be Iraqi tactics of using civilians and journalists as a "human shield" against attack. "The Baghdad authorities are just as culpable with their reckless disregard for civilian lives," said White.

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